Chapter Thirteen: The Disorder of Wu and the Western Jin Conquest of Wu

At this time, the Sun family still held sway over the southeast, styling themselves as the rulers of Wu. With the support of the Jiangdong gentry, they stood opposed across the river to the Jin state, regarded by the Central Plains scholars and officials as their greatest enemy.

Tracing back the origins, the Sun family were originally minor officials in Fuping County of Wu Commandery during the Eastern Han. Though they served as officials for generations, their salaries amounted to no more than a hundred shi of grain, hardly a prestigious lineage. It was not until a century prior, during Emperor Ling’s reign, that their progenitor Sun Jian joined the army. He vanquished numerous bandits and took part in quelling the Yellow Turban Rebellion and suppressing the Qiang uprisings, thereby elevating the family to prominence as a military clan.

Later, following Emperor Ling’s passing and Dong Zhuo’s usurpation of power, the brothers Yuan Shao and Yuan Shu rallied forces in the east to oppose the tyrant. Sun Jian promptly joined Yuan Shu’s ranks, seizing the lands of Yuzhou, defeating Dong Zhuo’s forces in the west, and campaigning against Liu Biao in the south, becoming the foremost general in central China.

Yet fate is fickle: while pursuing Liu Biao’s defeated troops near Xiang Mountain, Sun Jian fell into an ambush and perished in the forest, ending the life of a great commander. Yuan Shu seized his former troops and vied with Cao Cao, but suffered repeated defeats over two or three years, retreating to Huainan. The soldiers’ morale plummeted, and hardship was unbearable.

By the fourth year of Chuping (193 CE), Sun Jian’s eldest son, Sun Ce, having completed his period of filial mourning, took up arms under Yuan Shu. At just twenty, Sun Ce was tall, fair-skinned, handsome, and possessed exceptional martial strategy, earning the admiration of his father’s former followers.

Disgusted by Yuan Shu’s fickle nature and empty promises, Sun Ce secretly harbored ambitions of his own. Publicly, he flattered Yuan Shu; privately, he recruited troops. That same year, he marched south to Jiangdong and successively defeated Liu Yao, Xu Gong, Wang Lang, Chen Yu, Taishi Ci, and Hua Xin, unifying Jiangdong. He then struck west against Liu Biao’s forces in Jingzhou, crushing Liu Xun and his father’s nemesis Huang Zu.

Sadly, Sun Ce was impetuous and reckless, fearless in battle. During the northern clash at Guandu between Yuan and Cao, he planned a covert strike on Xuchang but was stabbed in the wilderness as his forces gathered, thwarting the plan. That year, Sun Ce entrusted his legacy to his younger brother Sun Quan and died at only twenty-six.

Unlike his father and brother, Sun Quan was steady, deep and inscrutable, concealing his emotions. Ruling Jiangdong for eight years, he pacified the people, welcomed capable talents, delegated generals, subdued the mountain tribes, and quelled insurrections, stabilizing the region.

When Cao Cao advanced south to attack, reaching Jiangxia, Sun Quan defied counsel, allied with Liu Bei, and appointed Zhou Yu as commander. At the Battle of Red Cliffs, they decisively defeated Cao Cao’s forces. Later, the alliance faltered as Wu lost to Shu Han in battles at Xiangfan and Yiling, but captured Jingzhou and Jiaozhou. Wu then triumphed again at Shiting against Cao’s army. Sun Quan changed the era name, declared himself ruler, and established the capital at Wuchang. Finally, in the first year of Huanglong (229 CE), he achieved the tripartite division of the realm, earning the title “Emperor Wu.”

However, with advancing age, Emperor Sun Quan grew increasingly senile.

In the fourth year of Chiwu (241 CE), after the death of his eldest son Sun Deng, a rivalry erupted between the new crown prince Sun He and Prince Lu, Sun Ba. Sun Quan indulged their factionalism, allowing them to form cliques and attack each other.

Over the years, the court grew chaotic and corrupt, with officials lightly exiled and heavily executed along with their clans. Prime Minister Lu Xun died in anger, and countless others, such as Yang Zhu and Lu Yin, were imprisoned—the so-called “Two Palaces Disturbance.”

After the disturbance, Sun Quan died, and the Wu imperial authority declined. Mutual suspicion and infighting plagued the regents and emperor, each harming the other.

In the second year of Jianxing (253 CE), General of the Guards Sun Jun killed Prime Minister Zhuge Ke, deposed Crown Prince Sun He, exterminated three clans, and declared himself prime minister.

In the first year of Taiping (256 CE), Sun Jun died of worry; his brother Sun Chen killed General of Cavalry Lü Ju and Grand Marshal Teng Yin, exterminating three clans.

In the third year of Taiping (258 CE), General Sun Chen killed the young Emperor Sun Liang.

That November, Emperor Jing of Wu, Sun Xiu, killed the brothers Sun Chen.

In the seventh year of Yong’an (264 CE), Emperor Jing of Wu passed away. Because the crown prince was young, Prime Minister Puyang Xing and Left General Zhang Bu welcomed Sun Hao as emperor. Later, Sun Hao killed Puyang Xing, Empress Dowager Zhu, and the former crown prince, finally ending the political turmoil in Eastern Wu.

By now, Shu Han had fallen, Cao Wei had perished, and a new Jin dynasty had arisen north of the Yangtze. The tripartite division of the realm was thoroughly overturned. Could Eastern Wu avoid the fate that befell Han and Wei?

Rumors swirled throughout Jiangdong. In Jingzhou, a famous geomancer named Yang Gong from Baling County was reputed for his skill in interpreting omens. In the spring of Baoding’s first year (266 CE), after days of heavy rain in southern Jing, a sudden clear day with an unclouded sky revealed to Yang Gong a “kingly energy” stretching a thousand miles over Yunmeng Marsh, flowing down the river toward Jiangdong. Locals spread the rumor: “Jingzhou’s kingly aura will break Yangzhou; the Jianye palace will suffer misfortune.”

Upon hearing this, Sun Hao was greatly displeased and relocated the capital from Jianye to Wuchang.

Meanwhile, the rebel Shi Dan of Wu Commandery’s Yong’an gathered over ten thousand men, abducted Marquis of Wu Cheng, Sun Qian, and even attacked Jianye. Sun Hao dispatched Ding Gu and Zhuge Jing to defeat Shi Dan, then paraded hundreds of soldiers through Jianye’s streets, executing hundreds of Shi Dan’s clan members in public, claiming, “The Son of Heaven sent Jingzhou troops to crush the Yangzhou rebels,” thus fulfilling the earlier prophecy.

Whether by fate or fortune, after this, Sun Hao’s forces often won battles against Jin invaders.

In the third year of Jianheng (271 CE), Tao Huang defeated the Jin army in Jiaozhi, capturing their commander Yang Ji and killing his chief of staff Zhang Deng, general Meng Tong, and over two thousand others. After years of fighting, Wu fully reclaimed Jiaozhou. That same year, phoenixes gathered over the western gardens of Zhaoming Palace, prompting Sun Hao to change the era name to Fenghuang (Phoenix).

In the first year of Fenghuang (272 CE), the year Liu Xian was born, the Battle of Xiling broke out again. Wu’s governor of Xiling, Bu Chan, defected to Jin. Emperor Sima Yan of Jin dispatched 100,000 troops, attempting a three-pronged assault on Jingzhou. Unexpectedly, Lu Kang, son of former Wu prime minister Lu Xun, led only 30,000 men to besiege Xiling, then defeated the two Jin relief armies in detail, forcing the famed Jin general Yang Hu to retreat without fighting.

From then on, the Jin forces trembled. For nearly six years after Xiling, no battles erupted between Wu and Jin.

Yet this was but a veneer. Sima Yan harbored ambitions to unify the realm and had long corresponded secretly with General Yang Hu, discussing strategies to destroy Wu. After assessing past campaigns, Yang Hu submitted a famous memorial to court.

Due to the devastating defeat at Xiling, many opposed the campaign to conquer Wu within the Jin court. Yang Hu’s memorial first refuted these opponents, arguing that the campaign was not out of vanity but necessity, as Wu’s repeated betrayals perpetuated border unrest. Without a decisive strike, the frontier populace and soldiers would never know peace. Some suggested that Wu would naturally submit to moral governance, but this was mere wishful thinking from the Spring and Autumn period.

Had not the late emperor faced great difficulty subduing Shu Han—and yet triumphed? Geographically, the Yangtze and Huai rivers posed no obstacle beyond Jianmen Pass; the terrain was no more perilous than Min and Han rivers. The tyranny of Sun Hao exceeded that of Liu Shan, and the plight of Wu’s people was worse than that of Ba and Shu. Jin’s military strength far exceeded former times, with abundant resources and weapons. If conquest were not undertaken now, would the suffering of border people and wasted state treasure have been in vain?

After asserting the inevitability of Wu’s conquest, Yang Hu discussed strategy.

Given the vast disparity between the two states, he emphasized overwhelming numbers. The southern campaign would advance from west to east in four routes:

First, the Shu forces would “deploy troops from Liang and Yi both by land and water”;

Second, the Jingzhou army would “advance to besiege Jiangling”;

Third, the Yuzhou forces would “strike south and east, directly targeting Xiakou”;

Fourth, the main force from Yan, Yang, Qing, and Xu provinces would “converge on Moling.”

These four armies would launch a grand offensive against Wu. The small Wu territory could muster only limited troops to resist; holding one front would leave others vulnerable, an inevitable outcome in total war.

Yang Hu also analyzed Wu’s combat style.

He believed, due to political instability, Wu soldiers avoided field battles, had no long-term plans or firm resolve, and would do just enough to satisfy their superiors. Their quick-tempered nature made sustained resistance impossible. Their survival rested solely on naval strength, as their archery and armor were inferior to China’s. Once Jin forces crossed the Yangtze, Wu would be helpless. “Once penetrated, the Yangtze would no longer be a barrier; holding only cities would shorten supply lines.”

This was Yang Hu’s famous “Memorial on the Campaign Against Wu.” Despite this, he faced opposition from founding ministers like Jia Chong; only a few, such as Zhang Hua and Du Yu, supported him.

In the fourth year of Xianning (278 CE), the leader of the Wu campaign, Yang Hu, died. As a national relative and famed southern general, his death was a major loss for Jin. Emperor Sima Yan was stunned and wept, lamenting, “I had hoped Yang Gong would command the great army against Wu. Who will I entrust this mission to now?”

At Yang Hu’s funeral, Sima Yan wept openly, saying to those nearby, “With Yang Gong gone, to whom shall I entrust the task of unifying the realm?”

By the end of that year, General Wang Jun submitted a memorial, claiming he had built a fleet of tower ships in Yi Province capable of dominating the river, invincible in naval battle. He warned that delay would rot the wooden ships, forfeiting the chance to conquer Wu.

The following August, newly appointed Southern General Du Yu independently led a surprise attack against Wu general Zhang Zheng, sending captured prisoners to Jianye to provoke Sun Hao. Enraged, Sun Hao replaced Zhang Zheng with Liu Xian as commander at Wuchang.

Thus, the moment to conquer Wu was ripe. Despite opposition from veteran ministers Wang Hun, Jia Chong, and Xun Xu, Du Yu and Wang Jun’s persistence won out, and Sima Yan resolved to launch the campaign.

Curiously, one perplexing dissent came from the Minister of the Secretariat, Shan Tao, who privately told Sima Yan, “The imperial family is not divine; if we eliminate external threats, internal troubles will surely arise. Conquering Wu may end fears of foreign enemies but is not beneficial in the long term.”

This was baffling—how could victory breed harm? And what did he mean by “not divine”? Fortunately, Sima Yan was magnanimous and, having made up his mind, did not dwell on such minor concerns.

In the fifth year of Xianning (279 CE) November, the Jin court mobilized over 200,000 troops under Duke Jia Chong, following Yang Hu’s plans, dividing forces into six routes:

General Wang Jun and Guangwu General Tang Bin led forces from Bashu down the river toward Jianye;

Southern General Du Yu advanced from Xiangyang toward Jiangling, then south along the Yangtze and Xiang rivers to capture Jiaozhou and Guang;

Southern Pacification General Hu Fen attacked Xiakou from Jingzhou;

General Wang Rong assaulted Wuchang from Yuzhou;

Eastern Pacification General Wang Hun attacked Jiangxi from Huainan;

Army Commander and Prince of Langya Sima Zhou attacked Tuzhong.

As Jin marched south, Wu was plagued by internal rebellion. Veteran Guo Ma led over ten thousand men in Guangzhou in revolt. Sun Hao sent generals Teng Xiu and Tao Huang with tens of thousands to quell the uprising, further weakening the already stretched Yangtze defenses. Jin forces swept forward, sending wave after wave of victorious reports.

In January the next year, Wang Hun and Sima Zhou captured all Wu territory north of the Yangtze in Yangzhou, facing Wu armies across the river. In February, Du Yu seized Jiangling; Wang Jun took Xiling, Jingmen, and Yidao. The Shu naval forces broke the blockade, entering the middle and lower Yangtze.

In March, Wu general Zhang Ti led 30,000 troops across the Yangtze to battle but was annihilated by Wang Hun’s forces. Simultaneously, Wang Jun’s fleet departed Yunmeng Marsh, sailing downriver. Xiakou and Wuchang surrendered without a fight. On March 14, they reached Shitou Fortress.

Sun Hao intended to fight to the death but his troops, seeing Wang Jun’s vast army with banners unfurled and polished armor gleaming, with thousands of ships stretching the river and sky, lost heart. Over ten thousand surrendered without a fight.

Cornered, Sun Hao sent a surrender letter, adhering to ancient rites: riding a white horse and simple carriage, baring his chest and binding his hands, bearing jade and sheep, leading hundreds of nobles and princes to surrender at the ramparts.

Following news of Sun Hao’s submission, Wu remnants under Tao Huang and Teng Xiu likewise surrendered. Within four months, Jin forces had captured four provinces and forty-three commanderies of Eastern Wu, accepting the surrender of 230,000 soldiers. Census records counted 530,000 households, 32,000 officials, over 5,000 palace attendants, and 2.3 million people.

This formally marked the end of Eastern Wu’s regime and the conclusion of nearly ninety years of division since Dong Zhuo’s usurpation in 189 CE.

Just as news of Ma Long’s killing of Tuoba Shujineng reached Luoyang, Sima Yan rejoiced and bestowed generous rewards. To commemorate these dual victories, he pardoned the realm, changed the era name to Taikang, and ennobled Sun Hao as Marquis of Submission.

To Sima Yan, the formal unification signified the divine mandate for the Jin dynasty. The era of hardship and war was over. A great empire, rivaling the Han, was poised to embark on a new glorious chapter.

From one perspective, his thinking was not wrong. In the grand sweep of history, the most exciting parts were only just beginning.